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The verdict is
almost unanimous. That is, from the High Priests of Democracy—United States,
Great Britain, France, Fiji’s regional benefactors New Zealand and Australia,
and now, The Commonwealth Secretary-General Don McKinnon.
The verdict is
that Fiji’s
democracy, its democratic institutions, its law- abiding citizens and, indeed,
the country’s entire fabric of lawful governance is under seize by its
gun-toting military brass in the person of Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama. Don
McKinnon characterizes the Government-Military stand-off as a regrettable
disregard for the concerns of ordinary people in Fiji.
Threats by an unelected
military of forcibly evicting a democratically elected Government- so the
argument goes--are creating an impossible situation for Fiji that will undo and
reverse its many decades of achievements in economic, political, and human rights
fields, and has the potential to render the country’s outlook so bleak that
hordes of abused and impoverished people from these islands will create an unimaginable
problem for Fiji’s more affluent neighbors—New Zealand and Australia—in terms
of human tides crashing at their shores!.
There is another
perspective, though, that would characterize the Fiji situation otherwise - looking at
the brighter side of the “clean-up” campaign championed by Commodore
Bainimarama - assuming that Commodore is clean-hearted about his professed
mission and is making a sincere commitment to realize his vision.
If, indeed, the
Commodore adheres to his vision of Fiji
and Fiji society, it would
not be reckless to envision him being counted as one of history’s Greats 
If, indeed, the
Commodore adheres to his vision of Fiji
and Fiji society, it would
not be reckless to envision him being counted as one of history’s Greats - Abraham
Lincoln, Mahatma Gandhi, Nelson Mandela, and possibly, Kamal Ata-Turk of Turkey.
There are many
aspects of the lives of Lincoln, Gandhi, and Mandela that made these people
Great but one common thread that runs through their greatness is the compassion
they showed for the weak, for the vulnerable, for those threatened for their
lives and trying to preserve their dignity in absolutely intolerable
circumstances.
There were
nothing else these great people did that come even close to what they did for
their countries’ minorities—Blacks, Muslims, and Whites. By making the
protection of minorities as the focal point of their struggle for creating a just
society, a representative system of government, and an environment of tolerance,
acceptance and accommodation, these great men changed the course of history that
would benefit the mankind for generations to come.
It would be ludicrous,
irresponsible, and unwise for me to assert such greatness for Commodore
Bainimarama, without knowing much of his background and of the society he
envisions Fiji
to become. But looking at the substance of his differences with Prime Minister
Laisenia Qarase and his stubborn resistance to making even minor adjustments to
the terms of his negotiations with The Prime Minister, I have absolutely no
doubt that the Commodore is after something truly great.
Let us review
the bills that Commodore is opposing and wants them be thrown out—lock, stock,
and barrel—no negotiations, no tinkering, no adjustments. [To use Bainimarama's
expression: We can argue all day about
the rule of law and democracy until the cows come home but this (that is the disputed
Bills be thrown out) is what we want].
If the Qarase Government
professes itself to be legal and democratic, the substance of the Unity Bill is
outright illegal and its intent unabashedly undemocratic. Why then would The
Prime Minister is refusing to admit—and act upon—that the 2000 Coup was an
illegal, unconstitutional act, while telling the world that Commodore
Bainimarama’s threats against his Government—also democratically elected—are
illegal and unconstitutional?
Why the
perpetrators of the 2000 Coup still hold high positions in his Government,
while Commodore Bainimarama’s actions are being portrayed as seditious?
Moving along on
the question of the legality of Commodore Bainimarama’s actions, why, during the
2000 crisis, did Australia not send its navy and commandos to rescue the
democratically-elected leadership of Fiji, held hostage by the thugs for nearly
two months, while it is risking the lives of its Navy men for launching the
so-called rescue mission for its citizens trapped it Fiji’s stalemate who, in
fact, feel safer here in Suva than they would on the streets of Sydney?
Finally, why did
New Zealand
do nothing in terms of mediating the dispute between warring parties in the 2000
crisis which it is doing now to avert the 2006 crisis? Such double-standards
extend to threats made by UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, who would expel Fiji military from peacekeeping duties, while
the organization had nothing of substance to say during many of Fiji’s
previous coups?
The other two
bills that The Commodore opposes - 'Qoliqoli Bill' and 'Indigenous Claims Tribunal Bill'—are more damaging
to Fiji’s long-term interests and to its standing in the community of civilized
nations than anything ever conceived by an evil mind, with self-destructive
instincts to the core.  The other two
bills that The Commodore opposes - 'Qoliqoli Bill' and 'Indigenous Claims Tribunal Bill'—are more damaging
to Fiji’s long-term interests and to its standing in the community of civilized
nations than anything ever conceived by an evil mind, with self-destructive
instincts to the core. Even before The Qoliqoli Bill has been passed, there are
reports of harassment of resort and hotels owners by local thugs posing as
Qoliqoli owners. There are also reports of fights between Qoliqoli owners
straying into each other’s fishing grounds.
These reports,
to say it mildly, are alarming, especially for a country so much dependent on
tourism dollars for job creation and fueling of economic growth on the hilt of
foreign investment!
In short, The
Qoliqoli Bill and its companion, The Indigenous Claims Tribunal Bill, threaten the livelihoods of Fiji’s
half of wage-earning and salaried workforce, whereas there are very few options
for creating substitute employment.
Then, if the
Qoliqoli Bill has such deleterious consequences—even ignoring the human rights
issue of depriving a large segment of country’s population from access to
essential amenities of life--why would then the international community, or any
one with Fiji’s wellbeing at heart, voice support for a person or Government
who is hell-bent on spearheading the passage of the Bill, while demeaning the
intent of the one who is having the courage to stand-up against such an evil?
Cadre’s
opposition to the bills in question may not be taken as his intention to
protect the minorities’ rights. At least this is not the view shared by many
Indo-Fijians I have talked to and, indeed, many of them would agree with Cane
Growers Union boss Mr. Jagannath Sami that Army’s threats against Government
are illegal and undemocratic and must be opposed.
So, it may
appear that Commodore Bainimarama’s modus operandi of opposing the bills and
asking for punishment for the coup plotters has other intentions than the
protection of minorities’ interests and promotion of fairness and equality in
country’s governance.
However, even if
this be correct, the “side-effects” of Bainimarama's clean-up campaign would still
be profound and sort of earth-shaking, in terms of it helping to create an
environment of fairness, justice and equality, and assuring protection for everyone
irrespective of differences in appearance and beliefs.
Most
importantly, this change of environment will help lift country’s economic
fortunes, in a way that could make it an economic powerhouse of the region,
rivaling Singapore and Hong Kong.
The reasons for
such optimism are simple. What the country has experienced in the aftermath of
the 1987 coup is a decisive break in the way a civilized and modern nation is
governed and cares for its citizens. In a more fundamental way, we can say that
the Fiji State—as a modern nation—died with the events of 1987, and the
troubles and restlessness we experience today—political disarray, economic
decline, law and order deterioration and, above all, the dying out of any sort
of optimism about the future—are kinds of smell coming out of the rotting
corpse of Fiji State.
I am not sure Commodore Bainimarama’s clean-up campaign will help resurrect a dead State but the
risk he is taking is worth the attempt.
The threat to Bainimarama's
endeavors will not be from Qarase and his companions, who, I would say, have
lost all moral authority to govern and be trusted. The threat will be from the indigenous
Fijian and Church leaderships who have most to lose from liberalism,
secularism, inclusion, integration, and a humanistic approach to uniting people
that, apparently, seems to be the goal of C’dore’s clean-up campaign.
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